On August 31st, 1993, the group of prisoners in the Taubate jail who decided to found the criminal organization First Command of the Capital (PCC), in response to the police action known as the Carandiru massacre, which killed 111 prisoners, had ambitious goals. But not to the extent that, completed the first quarter of a century, it was among the 500 companies with the highest annual turnover in Brazil, according to recent police figures, and even able to influence the October 7 elections, according to one of the largest specialists in the group.
According to the judge, Walter Maierovitch, who has been studying for decades the CCP and other similar organizations, “in Sao Paulo they have already dared to launch a candidate for councilman: he did not prosper because the candidacy was challenged, but today are the candidates who seek the support of PCC “.
“As with any criminal organization with a mafia matrix, the CCP has an intimidating power.” How it controls territories, when it launches a name or an order, people become afraid and obey. “Attacks made at strategic points in the election period or on election day to make people afraid to vote and do not move, “he said.
According to the expert, the influence is mainly in the outskirts of Sao Paulo, a city with more than ten million inhabitants, and even included payments of church and kermesse parties.
“Those who approach criminal organizations usually want to get votes because they exert a diffuse intimidation, control territories, but these organizations, like dealing with illicit profitable activities such as drug trafficking, can of course fund campaigns.”
Drug trafficking means the weekly export of one ton of marijuana and cocaine through the ports of Santos, Rio de Janeiro, and Fortaleza, according to police estimates. The agents came to this and other conclusions after the execution of Gege do Mangue, the largest lead of the PCC released earlier this year. Investigating Nado’s house, along with Hair, one of the suspects responsible for Gege’s murder, the agents had access to confidential documentation. According to Lincoln Gakyia, head of the police department investigating the PCC, the group’s turnover could reach 800 million reais per year, close to 170 million euros, which would place it in the select list of the 500 largest Brazilian companies.
And, like the corruption scheme discovered in Operation Lava-Jet, the organization’s leaders also resort to a black market dealer, intermediaries who convert dollars into dollars and transfer them out of Brazil, and to about 200 controlled gas stations by iron-heads washing the money.
It is estimated that the organization accounts for about 170 million euros per year.
The PCC organization, which has an army of about 30,000 members spread across 26 states in Brazil and five neighboring countries, is sophisticated. There are annual censuses and legal and healthcare for detainees in exchange for a system of membership – arrested members pay 50 reais a month, free members, 1,000. In addition to a statute with 16 points, which provides for the death penalty to traitors, and a hierarchy that culminates in “general tuning.”
The head of the “general line” is Marcola, serving a 44-year sentence in a maximum security prison of President Wenceslaus. It will have left him the order for Swim and Hard Hair to kill Gegé of the Mangue, in a crime of cinema with recourse to helicopter and bursts of heavy artillery in a rural area of Ceará. Gegé would be billing through the connection to Fuminho, trafficker outside the PCC that operates from Paraguay. Following this dispute, Swim and Hard Hair were also killed.
Marcola came to power in 2002, the ninth year of CCP activity, after killing Cesinha and Geleião, the previous chiefs, who in turn had been behind the beating until the death of Shadow, the original leader.
The PCC has 30,000 members spread across the 26 states of Brazil
Already with Marcola in charge, the PCC carried out three waves of violence: in 2006, through 251 attacks and 73 chain rebellions that resulted in around 300 deaths and the burning of 90 buses, in retaliation for police action to have cloistered their leaders in isolated cells from maximum security prisons.
In 2012, over a month or so, one to two police officers, either on leave or in service, were killed each day in a demonstration of the strength of the group.
From 2016 to 2017, during the war for the so-called FARC, a former Colombian paramilitary group, with the rival organization Comando Vermelho (CV), originally from Rio de Janeiro, which resulted in 69 deaths on the CV side and 64 sides of the CCP inside prisons. The largest of these conflicts, in the Anísio Jobim complex in Manaus, killed 56 prisoners, the largest slaughter in a chain since the Carandiru massacre, which motivated the founding of the CCP 25 years ago.